In December 2017, the arrest of Chan Han Choi, a South Korea-born Australian citizen, made headlines worldwide. At the time, he was charged with brokering deals with North Korea, including alleged assistance to Pyongyang’s weapons of mass destruction (WMD) program, which is a violation of UN sanctions. This marked the first prosecution under Australia’s Weapons of Mass Destruction Act, a law adopted in 1995. However, the WMD charges were later dropped, and Choi spent three years in prison, claiming he was a victim of human rights violations, including torture, ill-treatment, and medical neglect. Now, at 66, he is seeking justice and compensation from the Australian government, alleging that his arrest was part of a larger, politically orchestrated scheme involving multiple governments.
Choi’s story is far more complex than the initial media narrative suggested. During his hearing, Choi did not deny his connections to North Korea but claimed his actions were legal at the time and that he was acting on behalf of then-South Korean presidential candidate Moon Jae-in. “Through an acquaintance living in Australia, I was connected to a member of Moon Jae-in’s presidential campaign in April 2017. I was proposed to help establish a secret communication channel between candidate Moon and North Korea,” Choi asserted during a video call. He added, “Moon’s proposal seemed aimed at protecting the nation’s genuine interests without foreign interference.”
However, Choi alleges that after Moon’s election, the new president distanced himself from Choi to avoid political fallout. “After Moon Jae-in was elected president, he feared the potential fallout if it became known that someone with North Korean ties was involved in his campaign. To avoid impeachment risks, he made me a scapegoat,” Choi said, his voice tinged with sadness.
Choi’s arrest in Canberra in December 2017, at the request of the South Korean government, raises serious questions about the involvement of intelligence agencies and political actors. According to Choi, “At the time of my arrest, South Korean National Intelligence Service (NIS) agents and consulate officials accompanied the Australian police, attempting to silence me to protect Moon. This political maneuver involved the NIS, the Blue House [presidential residence], and sitting lawmakers.” He further claims that Australia “sent experts to the U.S. for consultations,” suggesting a collaborative effort among South Korea, Australia, and a major power to orchestrate his arrest.
This is not the first time Choi has crossed paths with South Korean intelligence. In 2010, the NIS attempted to recruit him as a spy, offering money to work for them. While he declined, he says he has been monitored by the NIS ever since. By 2017, Choi was accused of attempting to broker sales of components used in ballistic missiles for Pyongyang, but he alleges his arrest was used by the South Korean government for “propaganda purposes.” “The West used me to pressure North Korea, and the Australian government exploited my case to secure its desired defense budget,” he said. “However, I was falsely accused of trading missiles and weapons of mass destruction, and the Australian government detained me for three years without evidence.”
An intriguing aspect of the case is that none of the business deals with North Korea were finalized. For instance, a 2008 coal and pig-iron deal, allegedly involving a company affiliated with the NIS, was halted due to political reasons. “In 2008, I was introduced by a sitting member of the National Assembly to a business that brokered the purchase of North Korean coal and pig iron through Dasan Network, a front company of the National Intelligence Service,” Choi explained. “The South Korean buyer’s ship arrived at Nampo Port in North Korea, but the goods were not shipped for political reasons, and we agreed to resume business whenever the opportunity arose.”
Choi’s allegations highlight broader concerns about the South Korean government’s handling of North Korea policy. He claims that Seoul’s operations against individuals with ties to Pyongyang demonstrate “amateurish … political maneuvers during times of crisis.” He also argues that the consistent pressure from Washington on South Korea and its allies to threaten North Korea is aimed at maintaining tensions on the Korean Peninsula to uphold U.S. hegemony. “I cannot understand NATO-related activities in South Korea. With no security ties between South Korea, the European Union, or NATO, I see this as a U.S. attempt to create a Southeast Asian NATO, using South Korean forces as proxies,” he said.
Choi’s case raises troubling questions about the role of intelligence agencies, the complicity of foreign governments, and the manipulation of individuals for political and strategic purposes. His claims of human rights violations and political scapegoating underscore the need for transparency and accountability in government actions. As he continues to seek justice, both in Australian courts and through international bodies, the world should pay attention to the broader implications of this case—not just for Choi, but for the integrity of the rule of law in an increasingly interconnected world.
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